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CSS 2026Pakistan AffairsQ. 3

"The instability in Afghanistan continues to influence Pakistan's internal security, regional diplomacy, and counter terrorism strategy." Critically examine the above statement and suggest policy measures to address the issue/challenge.

By CSS Nexus ·

Original CSS 2026 Pakistan Affairs paper

This is a model answer to the CSS 2026 Pakistan Affairs paper (Q. 3), prepared by the CSS Nexus team for practice. Read the outline first, then see how each point is developed.

Outline

  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Historical background: from the Durand Line to August 2021
  • 3. Impact on internal security
  • ✓Resurgence of the TTP and attacks in KP and Balochistan
  • ✓Cross-border militancy, smuggling and narcotics
  • ✓Refugees and the repatriation policy
  • 4. Impact on regional diplomacy
  • ✓Recognition dilemma; engagement with China, Iran, Central Asia, Gulf mediators
  • ✓Trade, transit and connectivity (CASA-1000, TAPI, Uzbekistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan railway)
  • 5. Impact on counter-terrorism strategy
  • ✓National Action Plan, Azm-e-Istehkam, border fencing
  • 6. Critical examination: internal factors also matter
  • 7. Policy measures
  • 8. Conclusion

Answer

Introduction

Pakistan shares a long and porous border with Afghanistan, deep ethnic and religious ties, and decades of entangled history. Since the Taliban returned to power in August 2021, Pakistan's hopes of a friendly, stable western neighbour have largely given way to renewed militancy and diplomatic friction. The statement is broadly accurate, though Pakistan's own governance weaknesses also explain the security situation.

Background

Afghanistan has never formally accepted the Durand Line (1893) as an international border. Pakistan hosted millions of refugees after the Soviet invasion of 1979, supported the mujahideen, and later became a frontline state in the US-led war on terror after 2001, suffering tens of thousands of casualties. The Taliban takeover on 15 August 2021 was initially welcomed in some Pakistani circles as a strategic gain.

Impact on internal security

TTP resurgence. The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, many of whose fighters and leaders had sheltered in Afghanistan, regrouped after 2021. Talks brokered by the Afghan Taliban failed, and the TTP ended its ceasefire in November 2022. Terrorist attacks in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan rose sharply, with security forces and police as the main targets. Pakistan accuses the Afghan Taliban of failing to act against these groups; Kabul denies hosting them.

Cross-border flows. Weapons left behind by foreign forces, smuggling, narcotics and illegal crossings feed militancy and the informal economy.

Refugees. Pakistan hosts one of the largest refugee populations in the world. From late 2023 it began repatriating undocumented Afghans, citing security; the policy strained relations and drew humanitarian criticism.

Impact on regional diplomacy

Pakistan faces a dilemma: it engages the Taliban government for security and trade but has not formally recognised it, in line with the wider international community. Border closures at Torkham and Chaman and periodic border clashes, including serious clashes in October 2025 followed by talks mediated by Qatar and Türkiye, have disrupted trade. At the same time, Afghanistan is central to Pakistan's connectivity ambitions — CASA-1000, the TAPI gas pipeline and the proposed Uzbekistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan railway — and to regional diplomacy with China, Iran, Russia and Central Asia, all of which share concerns about terrorism from Afghan soil.

Impact on counter-terrorism strategy

Pakistan has fenced most of the border, revived the National Action Plan, launched the operation Azm-e-Istehkam (2024) and conducted strikes against militant hideouts, while pressing Kabul diplomatically. Counter-terrorism has shifted from large military operations to intelligence-based operations and police capacity, especially in KP.

Critical examination

Afghanistan is a major external factor, but internal weaknesses matter as much: the incomplete integration of the former FATA, weak police and courts, slow development in border districts, unresolved grievances in Balochistan, and the past tolerance of some militant groups. Blaming Afghanistan alone risks neglecting reforms at home.

Policy measures

(i) A consistent, whole-of-government Afghanistan policy combining firm security demands with economic engagement; (ii) regional diplomacy with China, Iran, Russia and Central Asian states to press Kabul on counter-terrorism through forums such as the SCO; (iii) strengthened border management with regulated trade and visas; (iv) capacity-building of KP and Balochistan police and counter-terrorism departments, and speedy trials; (v) development and employment in the merged districts and Balochistan; (vi) a humane, documented approach to refugees; and (vii) counter-extremism narratives in education and media.

Conclusion

Afghanistan's instability remains one of Pakistan's gravest security challenges, shaping its internal security, diplomacy and counter-terrorism policy. Lasting security will require both a cooperative Afghanistan and a stronger Pakistani state at home — firm against militancy, engaged in regional diplomacy and invested in the development of its border regions.

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