Evaluate the factional politics of early years(1947-58) and its impact on the democratic process of Pakistan.

Introduction

When Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated in Rawalpindi on 16 October 1951, his last words are reported to have been: "Khuda Pakistan ki hifazat kare" (May God protect Pakistan). His death removed the last leader of national stature from the founding generation and opened a decade of factional politics. Politicians split parties, made and unmade governments through intrigue, and turned provincial rivalries into national crises. This factionalism delayed the constitution, prevented general elections and gave the civil bureaucracy and the army the excuse to take power in October 1958, setting a pattern that has haunted Pakistani democracy ever since.

Overview

Between 1947 and 1958 Pakistan had four heads of state and seven prime ministers: Liaquat Ali Khan, Khawaja Nazimuddin, Muhammad Ali Bogra, Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, I. I. Chundrigar and Feroz Khan Noon. Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad dismissed Nazimuddin in April 1953 although he enjoyed a majority in the Assembly, and dissolved the first Constituent Assembly in October 1954. The 1956 Constitution was adopted, but no general election was ever held under it. On 7 October 1958 President Iskander Mirza abrogated it, and on 27 October General Ayub Khan removed Mirza himself.

Factional politics of 1947-58

1. Disintegration of the Muslim League.

After Jinnah's death in 1948, the Muslim League lost its unity and purpose. It became a collection of provincial factions led by landlords, and breakaway parties such as the Awami Muslim League (1949) and the Jinnah Awami Muslim League (1950) emerged. (Reference: Khalid bin Sayeed, Pakistan: The Formative Phase 1857-1948, Oxford University Press, 1968; Keith Callard, Pakistan: A Political Study, Allen and Unwin, 1957.)

2. Punjab rivalries.

The struggle between Iftikhar Mamdot and Mumtaz Daultana paralysed the Punjab government, leading to governor's rule in January 1949. Later, the anti-Ahmadi riots of 1953 were exploited in factional battles and led to martial law in Lahore. (Reference: Report of the Court of Inquiry Constituted under Punjab Act II of 1954 to Enquire into the Punjab Disturbances of 1953 (Munir Report), 1954.)

3. Sindh's ministerial merry-go-round.

Sindh saw frequent changes of government, including the dismissal of chief minister M. A. Khuhro in 1948 and his return later, as rival landlord groups competed for power. (Reference: Callard, Pakistan: A Political Study, 1957; Hamida Khuhro, Mohammed Ayub Khuhro: A Life of Courage in Politics, Ferozsons, 1998.)

4. The rise of the Awami League and the United Front.

In East Pakistan, the United Front of Fazlul Haq, Bhashani and Suhrawardy crushed the Muslim League in the March 1954 provincial elections, winning about 223 of 309 seats. Within two months the central government dismissed Fazlul Haq's government and imposed governor's rule. (Reference: Rounaq Jahan, Pakistan: Failure in National Integration, Columbia University Press, 1972.)

5. Palace intrigues of the Governor-General.

Ghulam Muhammad and later Iskander Mirza, both former bureaucrats, made and unmade governments by playing factions against each other, treating the prime minister as their subordinate. (Reference: Ayesha Jalal, The State of Martial Law, Cambridge University Press, 1990.)

6. The Republican Party.

In 1956 Iskander Mirza encouraged the formation of the Republican Party, led by Dr Khan Sahib, from Muslim League defectors, giving him a pliable majority in West Pakistan. This "king's party" set a precedent for official parties created from above. (Reference: Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century: A Political History, Oxford University Press, 1997.)

7. East-West disputes over parity and One Unit.

Disagreements over representation were resolved through the principle of parity and the merger of western provinces into One Unit (October 1955), which created new resentment in both wings and among smaller provinces. (Reference: Establishment of West Pakistan Act 1955; Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan 1956, provisions on parity in the National Assembly.)

8. Floor-crossing and opportunism.

Legislators changed sides for ministries and favours, and in September 1958 a brawl in the East Pakistan Assembly fatally injured Deputy Speaker Shahid Ali. Such scenes destroyed public respect for parliamentary politics. (Reference: Callard, Pakistan: A Political Study, 1957; Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century, 1997.)

Impact on the democratic process

1. A delayed constitution.

Factional disputes over representation, the role of Islam and the national language meant that the constitution took nine years to frame. The Objectives Resolution (1949) and the Basic Principles Committee reports were debated for years without agreement. (Reference: Objectives Resolution, 12 March 1949; Safdar Mahmood, Constitutional Foundations of Pakistan, Jang Publishers.)

2. No general elections.

Pakistan held no direct national election between 1947 and 1958, so governments lacked a popular mandate and politicians feared that elections would sweep them away. (Reference: Callard, Pakistan: A Political Study, 1957; Election Commission of Pakistan, history of general elections.)

3. The rise of the bureaucracy.

Senior civil servants such as Ghulam Muhammad, Chaudhry Muhammad Ali and Iskander Mirza filled the vacuum left by politicians, and the bureaucracy became the real centre of power. (Reference: Hamza Alavi, "The State in Post-Colonial Societies", New Left Review, 1972; Jalal, The State of Martial Law, 1990.)

4. Judicial endorsement of dismissals.

In the Maulvi Tamizuddin case (1955) the Federal Court upheld the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, introducing the doctrine of necessity that later justified military rule. (Reference: Federation of Pakistan v. Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan, PLD 1955 FC 240; Special Reference No. 1 of 1955, PLD 1955 FC 435.)

5. Alienation of East Pakistan.

The dismissal of the United Front government, parity and the dominance of West Pakistani bureaucrats convinced Bengalis that democracy would never give them their share, laying the ground for 1971. (Reference: Jahan, Pakistan: Failure in National Integration, 1972.)

6. Discredited politicians.

The spectacle of constant intrigue allowed critics to portray all politicians as corrupt and incompetent, a narrative later used to justify the Elective Bodies Disqualification Order (EBDO) of 1959. (Reference: Elective Bodies (Disqualification) Order 1959; Mohammad Ayub Khan, Friends Not Masters, Oxford University Press, 1967.)

7. The military's entry into politics.

General Ayub Khan was appointed Defence Minister in 1954 while remaining Commander-in-Chief, bringing the army into the cabinet. The weakness of politicians encouraged the army to see itself as the only stable institution. (Reference: Hasan Askari Rizvi, The Military and Politics in Pakistan 1947-1997, Sang-e-Meel, 2000.)

8. The 1958 coup and its lasting legacy.

Factionalism culminated in martial law in October 1958, the first of several military takeovers. The pattern of weak parties, dominant bureaucracy and army intervention set in this decade has shaped Pakistan's democratic struggles ever since. (Reference: Proclamation of Martial Law, 7 October 1958; State v. Dosso, PLD 1958 SC 533.)

Conclusion

In his address of 11 August 1947, Quaid-i-Azam warned that "one of the biggest curses" facing the new state was "bribery and corruption," followed by "black-marketing" and "nepotism and jobbery," and urged the Assembly to put them down "with an iron hand." The politicians of 1947-58 failed to heed this warning. Their factionalism, intrigues and floor-crossing delayed the constitution, prevented elections, empowered the bureaucracy and army and alienated East Pakistan. The decade teaches that democracy depends not only on constitutions but on disciplined parties, principled leaders and respect for the people's mandate.