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From Tianjin to Bishkek: SCO at 25 and Pakistan's Turn to Lead

Tianjin showed a world order in transition; Bishkek marked 25 years of the SCO and handed Pakistan the chairmanship for 2026-27. The writer argues Pakistan must use the forum to secure its economy, connectivity and voice, not treat it as an anti-West club.

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Quraitulain Qureshi

quraitulainqureshy@hotmail.com

14 Nov 2026 · 6 min read

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Illustration: a gold route on a map of Eurasia from Tianjin to Bishkek to Lahore and Islamabad, beside a round table of ten seats, titled SCO at 25
Illustration: a gold route on a map of Eurasia from Tianjin to Bishkek to Lahore and Islamabad, beside a round table of ten seats, titled SCO at 25. Photo: Illustration: CSS Nexus

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit held in Tianjin on 31 August and 1 September 2025 was not just another diplomatic meeting; it was a clear signal that the world order is changing. When Chinese President Xi Jinping presided over this 25th summit, attended by more than 20 world leaders and the heads of 10 international organisations, he did not only talk about regional cooperation, he presented a whole new vision for global governance. He called it the Global Governance Initiative, based on five principles: sovereign equality, the international rule of law, multilateralism, a people-centred approach, and a focus on real results. Behind these soft words was a hard message, that the age of one-country hegemony is over and a multipolar world is emerging.

The spirit he called the Shanghai Spirit was a direct stand against hegemony and power politics, and it found many listeners because the world is now tired of trade wars, sanctions and double standards. China proved at Tianjin that it does not only give speeches, it also gives support. President Xi pledged 2 billion yuan (about $280 million) in grants and 10 billion yuan (about $1.4 billion) in loans through the SCO Interbank Consortium for energy, infrastructure, artificial intelligence and science.

On 3 September 2025, the world saw the other side of Chinese power in Tiananmen Square, where a grand military parade showcased stealth fighter jets, air defence lasers, undersea drones, anti-ship missiles, intercontinental ballistic missiles and even robot dogs. For the West, this was a moment of evaluation and fear. President Trump accused the leaders gathered in Beijing of conspiring against the United States, while Europe started seriously assessing China's growing capability on land, in the air, at sea, in space, and in AI, robotics and cyberspace. This parade is still remembered because it showed that China is no longer just an economic power; it is now a complete global power offering an alternative to the Western-dominated security and economic order. The presence of partners from Egypt to Turkey and Qatar proved that this alternative has growing adherents.

The second major lesson of the summit was the beginning of a geo-economic shift. Russian President Putin, reinforcing Xi's message, emphasised closer economic and security ties among SCO members, and especially with China. He talked about the revival of genuine multilateralism and about increasing payments in national currencies to blunt the impact of Western sanctions on Russia. This idea has become even more important in 2026, when sanctions, tariffs and the weaponisation of the dollar have pushed many developing countries to think about de-dollarisation.

When it is remembered that just two SCO states, China and India, make up about 35 percent of the global population, the economic weight of this forum becomes clear. The SCO countries together cover around 60 percent of the Eurasian landmass, and trade among them, such as Russia-China trade of more than $200 billion a year, shows that a new economic bloc is slowly taking shape, not to destroy the West but to reduce dependence on it.

The third takeaway was India's old policy of playing all sides, which can be called hedging. Prime Minister Modi visited China for the first time in seven years, smiled, hugged and shook hands, and presented India's priorities as security, connectivity and opportunity. His visit was widely seen as a nimble rebuke to President Trump for imposing 50 percent tariffs on Indian imports. But when the time came, Modi left without attending the military parade, because he did not want to anger Washington.

This is the reality of Indian foreign policy in 2026 as well. India wants strategic autonomy, it wants a multipolar Asia where it has room to manoeuvre, and it wants to champion the Global South, but it will never fully embrace the SCO philosophy, and it will never take the American bait of militarily challenging China. I would compare this American thinking to the flawed Ukrainian counteroffensive of June 2023. India has throughout history respected power, and it will lie low, wait out the Trump presidency, try to repair ties with the US, and continue to play all sides, although under an impatient Trump this hedging is becoming increasingly difficult.

The fourth point is directly related to Pakistan, and for Pakistan the Tianjin summit was a diplomatic success. Those who expected an Indo-Pakistani detente and reconciliation were not reading the situation correctly. Modi's sole aim was to consolidate his domestic image and to posture against the US. In an environment where India was trying to push Pakistan towards diplomatic irrelevance, Pakistan succeeded in getting the Jaffar Express attack of 11 March 2025 condemned in the summit declaration, which belied Indian anti-Pakistan propaganda.

Despite Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif's poor protocol skills and weak speaking ability, the SCO setting under China reinforced Pakistan-China relations, and the launch of CPEC 2.0 during his visit to Beijing straight after the summit was the icing on the cake. In 2026, CPEC 2.0 is no longer just a road project; it is about industrial zones, agriculture, IT, mining and energy, and for a debt-trapped Pakistan it is the most important lifeline for connectivity and growth.

But the story did not end at Tianjin. One year later, the SCO met again for its 26th summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, from 31 August to 1 September 2026. This summit was even more important because it marked 25 years of the SCO, under the theme "Together for Sustainable Peace, Development and Prosperity". Leaders gathered in Bishkek and signed the Bishkek Declaration along with 27 other documents on terrorism, regional security, economic cooperation, energy, climate and development. The summit also took forward the SCO Development Strategy to 2035, showing that the organisation is now moving from declarations to long-term planning.

For Pakistan, the Bishkek summit was a historic turning point. At the close of the summit, Kyrgyzstan handed over the rotating chairmanship of the SCO to Pakistan. This means Pakistan will now chair the SCO for 2026-27 and will host the next SCO summit in 2027. This is a huge diplomatic responsibility and a huge opportunity. At the same summit, Lahore was declared the SCO Tourist and Cultural Capital for 2026-27, which is a matter of pride for Pakistan and a chance to show its soft image to the world.

Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif addressed the summit in Bishkek and presented Pakistan's vision of peace, connectivity and development. From Tianjin to Bishkek, Pakistan's journey shows a clear shift, from being a member trying to defend its narrative to becoming the chair leading the organisation.

Finally, the summit teaches a wise lesson for the future. The SCO should avoid being labelled an anti-US grouping, because America still commands greater alliance power and geostrategic and military-economic supremacy. Such branding would obscure the SCO's real ambitions of connectivity, trade and stability. The SCO had called for a ceasefire in Gaza, and it could have played a stronger role in ending the war in Ukraine. How this forum emerges in the coming years will shape the global geostrategic outlook, international economic relations and great power competition. In 2026, the die for a shift is cast, but there is many a slip between the cup and the lip.

For Pakistan, the lesson is now even clearer. As the new chair of the SCO, it must not see the forum as an anti-West club, but as a platform to secure its economy, its security, its connectivity and its voice in a multipolar world. If Pakistan uses its chairmanship wisely, hosts a successful summit in 2027, and turns CPEC 2.0 and Lahore's cultural capital status into real economic gains, then the SCO will not just be a summit for Pakistan; it will become a strategy for its survival and growth.

For CSS and PMS aspirants

This topic is directly relevant to Current Affairs, Pakistan Affairs and International Relations, and to Essay questions on the emerging multipolar order, regional organisations and Pakistan's foreign policy. It supports answers on the SCO's role and significance for Pakistan, China's Global Governance Initiative, de-dollarisation, India's hedging between the US and China, and CPEC 2.0. Keep the key facts ready: the 25th summit in Tianjin (31 August to 1 September 2025), the 26th summit in Bishkek marking 25 years of the SCO (31 August to 1 September 2026), Pakistan's chairmanship for 2026-27 with the next summit in 2027, and Lahore as the SCO Tourist and Cultural Capital for 2026-27.

The writer is a Senior Journalist and CSS/PMS mentor and can be reached at quraitulainqureshy@hotmail.com.

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